Editorial 1 : Shed the myopia, refocus on the relevance of English
Context
The government must prioritise the promotion of English not as a competitor to Indian languages but as a vital tool for national and international communication.
Introduction
The aspiration to have their child/children speak in English is a dream that many Indian parents have, recognising its critical role in ensuring better socioeconomic opportunities. Despite this widespread desire, national education policies have consistently neglected English language instruction for over seven decades.
Impact on English due to National Education Policy(2020)
- Politicisation of education: Since India’s independence, educational policies such as the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, influenced by political ideologies, have aimed to restrict the spread of the English language and diminish its significance across various sectors.
- Crucial role of English in nation building: The neutral nature of English, recognised by the Constitution of India as a tool of equality, safeguards its position, allowing it to maintain a vital role in the nation.
- Economic hindrance: This ongoing conflict between restrictive policies and constitutional safeguards has significantly hindered the ability of the economically deprived masses to achieve proficiency in English, perpetuating a cycle of educational and socio-economic disadvantage.
- Provoking Marginalisation: This neglect has disproportionately affected marginalised children in government-run schools, deepening educational inequalities.
- Rich v/s poor divide in English domain: In contrast, children from affluent families have had the resources to achieve proficiency in English, thus widening the chasm between those who can and cannot speak the language.
- The English on the side-lines: Alarmingly, the 2011 India Census reveals that 90% of the population does not speak any English, highlighting a stark linguistic divide that underscores the failure of education policies to bridge this gap.
- The NEP 2020 continues to devalue English: labelling it as foreign and ignoring its crucial role as a connector in the globalised economy.
- Lacks of defined strategy: To improve access to English for economically disadvantaged groups, thereby worsening the challenge of closing this critical educational gap.
The ‘agenda’ behind the cover of ‘diversity’
- The NEP 2020’s three-language formula: ostensibly promotes linguistic diversity but conceals a deeper agenda aimed at reviving the concept of a Hindi-India, particularly by diminishing the role of English in India.
- This approach conflicts with the aspirations: of millions who view English as a ladder to socio-economic mobility but also stands at odds with the Constitution, which safeguards against the imposition of any single language on the nation.
- The Constitutional obligation: It enshrines English and Hindi as official languages, deliberately refraining from appointing a national language, while it also protects regional languages, thereby preserving a critical balance.
- This framework recognises English as an instrumental language, pivotal to education, health, law, trade, and global communication, ensuring neutrality among diverse ethnic groups, while it positions regional languages as carriers of India’s rich cultural heritage.
- However, the NEP 2020 risks unsettling this balance by potentially overlooking these constitutional safeguards.
- Navigating Linguistic Challenges: This move is misguided and will ultimately fail, squandering valuable time and resources. . It will reignite the nation’s old linguistic disputes instead of elevating English in a way that respects the cultural importance of regional languages. Acknowledging this constitutional tension can steer India away from past mistakes toward a more inclusive and practical language policy.
- Surge in English language demand: Since the economic liberalisation of 1991, the demand for English has surged, aligning with the global narrative that “the world is flat”.
- This means that proficiency in English is not just desirable but also essential for participating in India’s economic growth and seizing international opportunities.
- Ironically, successive governments have ignored this shift, choosing instead to cling to regional and nationalistic language policies.
- Marginalise English through NEP 2020: but also gives a disproportionate thrust to regional languages, inadvertently fuelling regional identity politics. This approach fails to recognise that there is no inherent conflict between nurturing regional languages and promoting English.
- Positioning only Hindi: The real issue arises from the attempts to position Hindi as the national language, which stymies the spread of English among the masses.
The anti-English stance is not new
- Post-independence, there was a significant push to establish Hindi as the lingua franca of India, which led to systematic efforts to diminish the role of English, despite its status as a co-official language.
- This was underpinned by the belief that Hindi, unlike English, could not be a neutral bridge across India!s diverse cultural landscape.
The thread from the past
- Historical Biases: This bias can be traced back to the freedom struggle, led predominantly by Hindi-speaking leaders who envisioned a monolingual Hindi-speaking India, post-independence.
- The partition with Pakistan, which removed Urdu from the equation, only intensified the focus on Hindi.
- Despite this, the multilingual reality of India and the constitutional provisions for equality and linguistic diversity necessitated the retention of English as an official language alongside Hindi.
- The National Policy on Education 1968 introduced a three-language formula supposedly to spread Hindi across non-Hindi-speaking regions, thereby integrating the nation linguistically.
- Southern states Challenging the Hindi Domination: This formula faced opposition, particularly from Tamil Nadu, which saw it as an imposition of Hindi while diminishing the role of English.
- The NEP 2020: despite claiming flexibility in language choice, subtly continues this agenda under the guise of offering choice, thus not addressing the core issue of language imposition.
- Concerns with the practical implementation of this policy shows its flaws. While it allows for the selection of languages, the infrastructure and resources are heavily biased towards Hindi.
- Limiting the real choice: but also undermines the policy’s goal of fostering multilingualism.
- Impact of culture and politics: The emphasis on Hindi and Sanskrit, due to cultural and political motivations, neglects English, which remains crucial in the professional, educational, and legal contexts in India.
Way Forward: Be pragmatic
- China have recognised the importance of English, mandating its study to align with global economic shifts and the aspirations of its middle class.
- Stark contrast with India’s approach: where the lack of a focused English language policy may hinder our global economic engagement and social mobility.
- To rectify this, India needs a pragmatic language policy that respects its cultural diversity while addressing the practical needs of its citizens.
- A two-language formula, comprising a regional language and English, would better serve the aspirations of Indians to be global citizens while preserving their unique cultural identities.
- Such a policy would enable broader participation in global economic opportunities and ensure that all Indians can engage effectively in the professional, educational, and legal spheres of life.
Conclusion
The government must prioritise the promotion and the development of English not as a competitor to Indian languages but as a vital tool for national and international communication. This approach aligns with the democratic principles of equality and individual rights, ensuring that every citizen can participate fully in the nation’s socioeconomic activities without linguistic barriers. India, as a liberal democracy, must be responsive to the needs and wants of its citizens. It is high time its language policy reflects this, promoting a balanced multilingual framework that genuinely supports the aspirations of all Indians. English is India’s solution. This will make India more inclusive and participative in this globalised world.
Editorial 2: In Wilmington, juxtaposing immediacy with legacy
Context
The fourth Quad Leaders’ Summit will be an opportunity to assess its progress in ensuring a peaceful and stable Indo-Pacific.
Introduction
After much anticipation, the leaders of the Quad (Australia, India, Japan and the United States) will convene for their fourth summit in Wilmington, Delaware, U.S., on September 21. This meeting marks a full circle since the first in-person Quad Leaders’ Summit hosted by U.S. President Joe Biden in 2021, symbolising the steady evolution of this strategic partnership. The summit takes place against a backdrop of pressing global challenges and transitions in leadership among some member-nations, set on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) and the United Nations Summit of the Future.
Significance of the QUAD meeting
The meeting holds immediate significance, especially considering past postponements of Quad summits at the highest level.
- Both Mr. Biden and Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida are facing leadership transitions; Mr. Biden has announced that he will not seek re-election, and Mr. Kishida’s Liberal Democratic Party is facing potential defeat in Japan.
- These impending changes underscore the urgency to consolidate the Quad’s strategic direction and commitments before new leadership dynamics emerge.
- India, originally slated to host this year’s summit, deferred to the U.S., and will now host the next meeting.
- This decision aligns with practical considerations for Mr. Biden, who, amid a busy election cycle, may have found it challenging to make another international visit following his recent trip to India for the G-20 summit.
Indo-Pacific integration
- Multi-infrastructural linkages: One of the primary goals of this summit will be to reinforce the Quad’s framework on maritime domain awareness (MDA), which has become increasingly critical in linking regional security, supply chains, infrastructure, and technology initiatives.
- Entry to the Indian Ocean Region: During their last meeting in July 2024 in Tokyo, the Quad Foreign Ministers announced the expansion of the Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA) to the Indian Ocean region, reflecting a strategic effort to integrate this vast expanse into the broader Indo-Pacific narrative.
- Standardising regional laws and enhance accountability: for violations of international maritime norms, thus promoting a rules-based order further.
- The importance of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS): as the foundation for freedom of navigation and operational abilities of nations.
- The Wilmington summit: is expected to further explore the potential launch of the Quad Maritime Legal Dialogue under the Quad Maritime Security Working Group which seeks to consolidate expertise in international maritime law, providing robust legal frameworks that could serve not only the Quad nations but also other countries in the region.
- The operationalisation of the South Asia programme: through the Information Fusion Centre-Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) based in India.
- This step signals India’s expanding role in the MDA and its commitment to maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific by facilitating real-time information sharing with like-minded partners.
- The IFC-IOR, which currently hosts 12 International Liaison Officers, represents a growing coalition of nations dedicated to upholding freedom of navigation and a rules-based maritime order.
Tracking progress, looking to opportunities
- The Quad’s expansive agenda: spread across 16 working groups, reflects its ambition to address a wide array of critical issues that include climate change, critical and emerging technologies, infrastructure and connectivity, health, humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, maritime security, and counterterrorism.
- The Wilmington summit presents an opportunity: for the leaders to assess progress on these fronts and commit to new initiatives.
- Reviewing the implementation of the Open-Radio Access Network (RAN) network in Palau: the deployment of a space-based climate warning system in Mauritius, the advancement of off-grid solar projects in the Indo-Pacific islands, and the outcomes of the inaugural Quad science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) cohort.
- Quad as a benchmark framework: for ensuring a peaceful and stable Indo-Pacific, particularly in light of the shifting geopolitical landscape.
- Key role in regional security by QUAD: As regional supply chains and infrastructure networks adapt.
- West Asian conflicts and crises: This is especially pertinent as threats from hostile actors across the Indo-Pacific have increased amid ongoing conflicts in West Asia, the Russia-Ukraine war, and a fracturing world order.
- The China’s assertive behaviour: often outside accepted international norms, has compounded the region’s security challenges, highlighting the need for a unified and proactive Quad response.
- The reconfiguration of global supply chains away from China has underscored the imperative of regional economic resilience and de-risking strategies.
Thus, for the Quad, this shifting dynamic presents a unique opportunity for regional economic growth while simultaneously enhancing security through diversified and resilient supply chains.
Way forward: The outlook
The Quad summit in Wilmington also serves as a prelude to the inaugural Summit of the Future, which aims to reshape global governance by addressing critical issues such as sustainable development, international peace and security, technological innovation, and the welfare of future generations.
Conclusion
According to varied analysis, the Quad already acts as a regional microcosm of these broader global aspirations, championing cooperation and stability in the Indo-Pacific. As the Quad continues to mature, this summit could be a pivotal moment to assess its progress stacked against global aspirational metrics on similar issues, perhaps allowing the Quad to lay the groundwork for future initiatives. The Quad having has already established itself as a regional driver of cooperation and stability in the Indo-Pacific. As it matures, this summit could lay the foundation for future initiatives that align with global aspirations.
