PM IAS SEP 28 EDITORIAL ANALYSIS

Editorial 1: Keep the fire of the self-respect movement going

Context

With growing cultural homogenisation and divisive ideologies in India, the movement must step up the fight for social justice, equality and rationalism.

Introduction

This year marks the start of the hundredth year of the Self-Respect Movement. An emancipatory movement unlike any other, its aim was to empower individuals and communities to challenge and overthrow the hierarchical structures that oppressed them.

Idealising the movement

The movement traversed farther to nurture rational thinking, inspire subaltern politics, advocate women’s rights, and promote social justice.

  • Though the Self-Respect Movement is synonymously associated with the Dravidian Movement, there are key but subtle differences.
  • Together, both movements continue to guide the political outlook of Tamil Nadu and provide an undisputable counter-balance to the emergence of the majoritarian onslaughts across Indian society.

The Emergence of Self-Respect

  • Over the last decade or so, September has been celebrated as ‘Dravidian Month’ to commemorate the historical highlights of the Dravidian Movement.
  • This month, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) commemorates three landmark events:
    • the birth date of C.N. Annadurai (‘Anna’),
    • the founding of the DMK, and
    • the birthdate of E.V. Ramasamy (‘Periyar’).
  • While Anna is regarded as the political patriarch of contemporary Tamil Nadu, Periyar is considered its compelling thought leader.
  • To understand the modern social architecture of the state, it is essential to track the impact of the Self-Respect Movement, which Periyar conceptualised and carried through for nearly 50 years.

Key Moments in the Self-Respect Movement

  • In 1925, two significant events marked the history of the Self-Respect Movement:
    • The launch of the first issue of the Tamil weekly, Kudi Arasu (The Republic) in May.
    • Periyar’s departure from the Indian National Congress (INC) in November.
  • Kudi Arasu introduced a new dynamic in the erstwhile Madras Presidency by advocating social reform beyond political gains for communal representation.
  • After leaving the Congress, Periyar used Kudi Arasu to criticise the then INC and Brahminism, referring to the horrors of Hindu caste orthodoxy it espoused.

The Role of the Justice Party

  • The Justice Party, formed in 1920, was a vanguard for non-Brahmin politics and played a key role by:
    • Nominating the first woman Legislative Council Member, Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy
    • Issuing the Communal Government Order advocating reservations in government employment
  • In parallel, Periyar organised the first Self-Respect Conference in Chengalpet on February 17, 1929, addressing:
    • Equal property rights for women
    • Abolition of caste names
    • Education and employment opportunities for women
    • Marital equality
  • The participation of senior Justice Party leaders at the Chengalpet Conference attested to its success.

The First 100 Years and Self-Respect 2.0

  • Radical social reforms: The Self-Respect Movement is known for introducing and popularising self-respect marriages, which removed the necessity for Brahmin priests and religious rituals.
    • Periyar’s self-respect marriages granted women autonomy, equality, and dignity, symbolising a break from tradition.
    • These marriages were enacted into law marked  the first legislative achievement for the movement.
  • Advocacy for women’s liberation: The movement championed causes like:
    • Widow remarriage.
    • The right to divorce and property.
    • Abortion rights.
    • Criticism of ancient texts that degraded women.
    • Promotion of contraception as a means to empower women to control their own bodies.
    • Additionally, the movement promoted inter-caste marriages as a push-back to patriarchal control over marriage.
  • Social reform over political independence: Throughout pre-Independence years, the movement prioritised social reform over political independence.
    • Critics accused the Self-Respect Movement of monarchism and separatism, though it maintained a complex relationship with the nationalist cause.
    • The movement warned against replacing British rulers with elite Hindu caste groups.
    • It contributed to the evolution of political autonomy and the spirit of federalism within India.

Challenges and Future Prospects

  • Cultural Homogenisation and Hindutva: The biggest challenge for the Self-Respect Movement today is cultural homogenisation led by the right wing.
    • Hindutva ideology seeks to assimilate India’s diverse cultural practices into a standardised framework, threatening regional, linguistic, gender, and caste-based identities.
    • The movement’s future relevance depends on resisting this push towards cultural uniformity and continuing to champion social justice.
  • Intersectionality and gender gorms: The rise of complex identities where caste intersects with class, religion, gender, and sexuality presents new challenges.
    • As gender norms evolve, the movement must address issues like LGBTQIA+ rights and gender fluidity.
    • Integrating intersectionality into the next version of the movement while staying true to its principles is a critical challenge.
  • Misinformation in the information era: Misinformation and falsehoods are rampant today, aggravating caste biases and group prejudices.
    • The movement must engage with young people to combat these modern-day challenges.
    • It is important to communicate with young generations far removed from traditional caste practices but susceptible to right-wing propaganda.

Conclusion: A critical mission 

As the Self-Respect Movement enters its second century, its mission is more critical than ever. Confronted with cultural homogenisation and rising divisive ideologies operationalised by a host of organisations including the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, coincidentally also established in 1925, the movement must intensify its fight for social justice, equality and rationalism. By boldly addressing contemporary issues, it can sharpen its impact while staying true to its roots. he future of an inclusive society depends on this energetic vigour. It is crucial to reignite the movement’s revolutionary spirit, so its ideals not only persist but also pave the way for future generations.

Editorial 2 : Staying the course

Context

The Centre and the States need to fight air pollution together as the issue recurs every year with rising concerns for children and elderly.

Introduction

With the southwest monsoon drawing to a close, north India, especially the States in the Indo-Gangetic plains, braces for an annual rise in winter pollution.

Government meeting and action plans

  • A top functionary in the Prime Minister’s Office recently held a meeting with representatives from Delhi, Haryana, Punjab, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh.
  • Heads of several ministries were also present to review the steps in place to prevent air quality in Delhi from deteriorating catastrophically.

What are the key sources of emissions?

  • Anthropogenic emissions: Pollution from vehicular emissions, road and construction dust, solid waste management, and diesel sets have been key sources of emissions over the years.
  • Environmental emissions: Paddy stubble burning in Punjab and Haryana is responsible for up to 40% of the pollutant load during October and November.
  • State level emissions: Punjab is expected to generate 19.52 million tonnes of paddy straw in 2023, while Haryana will generate 8 million tonnes.

State commitments on stubble burning

  • States’ huge share of emissions: Both Punjab and Haryana have committed to “eliminate” paddy stubble burning this year.
  • Supreme court order: Last November, the Supreme Court of India ordered the complete cessation of stubble burning.
    • This year, the Supreme Court has demanded updates from the Centre on steps taken to address the issue.

What are the stubble burning trends?

  • For Punjab: In the 2023 harvest season, Punjab saw a 59% fall in stubble-burning incidents compared to 2022.
  • For Haryana: It saw a 40% reduction in incidents, but Uttar Pradesh experienced a 30% rise.

What are the possible solutions and the implementation challenges?

  • Economic incentives: Solutions include creating economic incentives and punitive measures to prevent straw burning, but implementation remains a challenge.
  • Punjab Ex-situ methods: aims to manage 11.5 million tonnes of its paddy straw through in-situ (on-field) crop residue management and the rest via ex-situ methods.
  • Haryana Ex-situ methods: plans to manage 3.3 million tonnes in-situ and use ex-situ methods for the remaining straw.

Co-firing and its challenges

  • Around 2 million tonnes of paddy straw will be “co-fired” in 11 thermal power plants across the NCR region.
    • Co-firing: involves turning the straw into pellets to be used as a carbon source in power plants.
    • Lack of availability of machines: Experience has shown that machines for crop residue management are often not available to farmers when needed.
    • The need for transportation: There is no efficient system in place to transport straw from fields to power plants.

Conclusion

The fight against winter pollution in North India and particularly over the Indo-Gangetic plains needs to be sustained. The causes of the pollution crisis are complex and will take time to yield results. States and the Centre need to set aside political differences and collectively work towards a solution. Long-term solutions based on addressing the cause rather than symptomatic can guarantee air quality for the future.


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