China’s long game in Africa
Source: The Hindu
Syllabus: GS II International relations
China’s Strategic Engagement in Africa
Introduction
China’s engagement with Africa has evolved into a long-term strategic initiative encompassing political, economic, and cultural dimensions. One of the most notable steps in this direction was the establishment of the Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Leadership School in Tanzania in 2022. Costing $40 million, the school underscores China’s intent to shape Africa’s future political leadership through governance principles rooted in the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) model.
Strengthening Historical Ties
The school’s first cohort of 120 officials hailed from six African nations—South Africa, Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, and Tanzania—all ruled by liberation parties with historic ties to China. These nations, part of the Former Liberation Movements of Southern Africa coalition, have received substantial Chinese support in their independence struggles and governance frameworks. The leadership school is part of Beijing’s broader strategy to embed its influence within these ruling parties, reinforcing its ties with policymakers and shaping Africa’s political architecture.
Tools of Influence: Governance and Mediation
China’s efforts to assert influence go beyond educational institutions. Beijing has been actively involved in mediation, as seen in its role in resolving disputes like those between Saudi Arabia and Iran or Niger and Benin. Through such initiatives, China seeks to position itself as an alternative to the traditionally Western-dominated global order.
Africa’s strategic importance in multilateral forums, with its 55 countries, makes it a critical ally for China in rebalancing global power structures. Building strong relationships with African political elites through “study tours,” cultural exchanges, and now leadership schools, China is consolidating its influence to promote a Sino-centric governance model.
Expanding Political Engagement
China’s engagement with African political parties is robust, with ties to over 100 parties across 51 countries, as acknowledged during the 8th Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in 2021. Countries like Kenya have expressed interest in replicating the CCP’s Central Party School model, further illustrating China’s influence. In addition, China has funded the renovation of institutions such as Zimbabwe’s Herbert Chitepo School of Ideology, demonstrating its commitment to institutional and ideological alignment.
Strategic Investments in Governance
China’s political schools are complemented by extensive investments in Africa’s infrastructure and governance capacity. Examples include the construction of Kenya’s foreign ministry headquarters and refurbishing existing institutions. These initiatives aim to establish governance systems based on centralised, stable party control, reflecting China’s own political model.
The Diplomacy of Stability
China’s approach to Africa is marked by patient diplomacy and strategic foresight. Recognising the potential for regime changes, Beijing is engaging not only with ruling parties but also with opposition factions, ensuring its influence persists across political transitions. This comprehensive strategy reflects China’s long-term vision of embedding itself into Africa’s governance structures while nurturing reciprocal relationships that align with its interests.
Conclusion
China’s engagement in Africa is part of its broader effort to establish a Sino-centric global order. By leveraging tools such as political education, infrastructure development, and cultural diplomacy, Beijing is shaping Africa’s governance landscape. This long-term strategy ensures China’s continued relevance and influence in a rapidly evolving geopolitical environment. For Africa, this presents opportunities for development but also raises questions about sovereignty and the long-term implications of adopting a Chinese governance model.
Way Forward
- For Africa: Maintain balanced relationships with global powers to safeguard sovereignty and ensure diversified development partnerships.
- For India: Strengthen its engagement with Africa through strategic investments, capacity building, and fostering people-to-people ties, leveraging historical goodwill to counterbalance China’s growing influence.
Why is deciphering the Indus script important?
Source: The Hindu
Syllabus: GS I Ancient History
Deciphering the Indus Script: Significance and Recent Developments
Introduction
The Indus Valley Civilisation (IVC), also known as the Harappan Civilisation, represents one of the most advanced and expansive urban cultures of the Bronze Age (3000–1500 BCE). Spread across 2,000 sites over 1.5 million sq. km in present-day India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, it surpassed its contemporaries, the Egyptian and Mesopotamian civilisations, in geographical reach. Despite its significance, the non-decipherment of the Indus script continues to hinder our understanding of its culture, governance, and societal structure.
Recently, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin announced a $1-million prize for decoding the Indus script, underscoring its historical and cultural importance, particularly its possible links with Dravidian heritage.
Why Is Deciphering the Indus Script Important?
While the scripts of other ancient civilisations, such as Mesopotamia and Egypt, have been deciphered, the Indus script remains elusive. Deciphering it would:
- Provide a comprehensive understanding of Harappan culture and governance.
- Illuminate the socio-political and economic systems of one of the world’s earliest urban civilisations.
- Establish connections between ancient languages and present-day linguistic traditions.
Its decipherment is crucial for bridging gaps in South Asian history and for understanding cultural continuity in the region.
The Dravidian Hypothesis: A Key Perspective
Scholars such as Iravatham Mahadevan, Asko Parpola, and Kamil Zvelebil have posited that the Indus script carries proto-Dravidian elements. The hypothesis is supported by:
- The presence of Brahui, a Dravidian language, in the Indus region.
- Dravidian loanwords in the Rigveda.
- Substratum influences of Dravidian on Prakrit dialects.
- Computational analyses of Indus texts indicating linguistic structures akin to Dravidian languages.
Mahadevan emphasized that while the script is non-Aryan and pre-Aryan, further research is required to conclusively establish its Dravidian origins.
Recent Discoveries and Developments
The Tamil Nadu State Department of Archaeology (TNSDA) has undertaken a morphological study comparing graffiti marks on ceramics in Tamil Nadu with Indus scripts. Key findings include:
- Parallels in Graffiti Marks: Nearly 90% of graffiti marks found in Tamil Nadu have similarities with Indus signs.
- Categorisation of Symbols: Out of 2,107 documented signs, 42 base signs, 544 variants, and 1,521 composites were identified. Over 60% of these signs exhibit parallels with the Indus script.
- Cultural Continuity: These findings suggest a possible evolution of the Indus script into regional forms, indicating cultural and linguistic continuity.
Cultural Contact Between IVC and South India
The study highlights potential cultural exchanges between the IVC and south India during the Iron Age, which was contemporaneous with the Copper Age of the Indus region. Evidence supporting this includes:
- The discovery of carnelian and agate beads and high-tin bronze objects in Iron Age graves in south India, materials that likely originated from the north.
- The presence of identical and near-identical graffiti marks in Tamil Nadu and Indus sites, suggesting shared or transmitted cultural practices.
- Trade routes and migration patterns that facilitated material and cultural exchanges.
Challenges and the Way Forward
Despite these findings, establishing definitive links requires further evidence. Challenges include:
- The undeciphered nature of the Indus script, which limits interpretations.
- Insufficient material evidence to conclusively prove cultural exchanges.
- The need for interdisciplinary approaches involving archaeology, linguistics, and scientific investigations.
To address these gaps:
- Enhanced Research: Encourage global collaboration for decoding the Indus script using advanced technologies.
- Archaeological Excavations: Conduct more systematic excavations in potential contact zones.
- Historical Linguistic Analysis: Deepen research on linguistic overlaps between proto-Dravidian and the Indus script.
Conclusion
The Indus Valley Civilisation represents a cornerstone of South Asia’s ancient heritage. Deciphering its script could unlock invaluable insights into its culture, governance, and potential links with the Dravidian linguistic and cultural tradition. The Tamil Nadu government’s initiative reflects the growing recognition of the need to unravel this historical enigma and its implications for understanding India’s civilisational continuity.
The Centre’s share in States’ revenue has surged in the last decade
Source: The Hindu
Syllabus: GS III Economy
Increasing Dependence of States on Central Transfers: Trends and Implications
Introduction
In recent years, the fiscal autonomy of Indian states has diminished, with their dependency on central transfers and grants increasing. This trend highlights inefficiencies in states’ tax collection efforts and their inability to diversify non-tax revenue sources, which has significant implications for their financial health and developmental capacities.
Rising Dependence on Central Transfers
Between FY16 and FY25, 23-30% of the total revenue of states was derived from central transfers, compared to 20-24% in the 2000s and early 2010s. Similarly, 65-70% of non-tax revenue came from central grants in the last decade, up from 55-65% in earlier periods.
This trend underscores a growing reliance on the Centre to fund state expenditures, which restricts states’ fiscal autonomy and their ability to implement counter-cyclical measures to boost aggregate demand.
Decline in States’ Own Tax Revenue
States’ own tax revenue, which includes stamp duty, registration fees, motor vehicle taxes, and State GST (SGST), has consistently fallen below the 50% threshold of their total revenue in the past decade. This is a significant decline compared to the 2000s and early 2010s when it often exceeded this mark.
Notably:
- SGST Contribution: SGST has increased from 15% of states’ total revenue in FY18 to 22% currently. However, states’ own tax revenue without SGST has declined from 34% to 28%, indicating that states are increasingly dependent on a centrally governed tax framework.
- Challenges with GST: The GST Council’s rate-setting mechanism, often criticized by opposition-led states, has further constrained states’ fiscal space.
Decline in Non-Tax Revenue Sources
States’ non-tax revenue—derived from grants, earnings from services, interest receipts, and dividends—has also declined. Key trends include:
- Grants from the Centre: Their share in non-tax revenue increased from 55-60% (2000s) to 65-70% (last decade).
- Earnings from Services: Revenues from public services like health and power failed to exceed 30% of non-tax revenue in the last decade, except in FY25. Earlier, they frequently crossed this threshold.
- Interest Receipts and Dividends: The share of interest receipts has declined to under 5%, while dividends and profits from state public sector enterprises remain negligible (below 1%).
Inefficiencies in Tax Collection
A major reason for the states’ increasing reliance on the Centre is their inability to efficiently mobilize taxes. For instance:
- The own tax revenue-to-GSDP ratio has declined in states like Tamil Nadu (7.72% in FY13-15 to 6.17% in FY22-24), Karnataka, Kerala, Bihar, Delhi, and Madhya Pradesh.
- While some states (e.g., Maharashtra, Odisha) have improved their ratio, others have stagnated or worsened, indicating varied performance across the country.
Efforts to enhance revenue through stamp duty, registration fees, and motor vehicle taxes have been sporadic and insufficient, often lacking technical efficiency.
Implications of Rising Dependence
- Reduced Fiscal Autonomy: States are increasingly reliant on central grants, limiting their ability to tailor fiscal policies to local needs.
- Counter-Cyclical Constraints: Diminished own tax revenue restricts states’ ability to implement expansionary fiscal policies during economic downturns.
- Macroeconomic Challenges: Falling state-level revenue mobilization undermines the redistributive potential of fiscal policies, impacting social welfare.
Way Forward
- Strengthening Tax Collection: States must adopt innovative and efficient measures to improve revenue collection from underutilized sources like property taxes, excise duties, and motor vehicle taxes.
- Enhancing GST Mechanism: Revisiting the GST Council’s framework to ensure greater autonomy for states in setting tax rates.
- Diversifying Non-Tax Revenue: States should focus on maximizing returns from public sector enterprises and services like health and power.
- Capacity Building: Strengthen administrative capacity for tax collection and fiscal management at the state level.
- Fiscal Decentralization: Greater autonomy in resource allocation through reforms in fiscal federalism is essential to empower states.
Conclusion
The increasing dependence of states on central transfers is a critical challenge in India’s fiscal federalism. While central grants play an essential role in bridging fiscal deficits, states must prioritize strengthening their own revenue base to ensure financial autonomy, improve governance, and achieve sustainable development. Collaborative efforts between the Centre and states are imperative to address these fiscal imbalances effectively.
SC to take up pleas challenging CEC and EC appointment law in February
Source: The Hindu
Syllabus: GS II Polity and Governance
Supreme Court to Examine Challenges to the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and Election Commissioners Appointment Act, 2023
Introduction
The Supreme Court has decided to hear petitions challenging the Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service, and Term of Office) Act, 2023 in February. The petitions raise concerns over the law’s impact on the independence of the Election Commission of India (ECI) and its potential to dilute constitutional principles established in the landmark Anoop Baranwal case (2023).
Key Provisions and Controversies
The 2023 Act mandates that the President appoint the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and Election Commissioners (ECs) based on the recommendations of a Selection Committee comprising:
- The Prime Minister (Chairperson),
- The Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha, and
- A Union Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister.
This provision contrasts with the Supreme Court’s Constitution Bench judgment in the Anoop Baranwal case, which recommended the inclusion of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) in the Selection Committee to ensure the neutrality and independence of the ECI.
Core Legal Issues
- Legislative Override of Judicial Decisions:
The petitioners, including Association for Democratic Reforms and activist Jaya Thakur, argue that the Act seeks to dilute the Constitution Bench’s judgment, undermining the judiciary’s authority under Article 141 of the Constitution. The central issue is whether Parliament can enact laws that nullify or amend a binding judicial precedent. - Impact on Institutional Independence:
The judgment in the Anoop Baranwal case emphasized the need for a diverse and independent selection committee to uphold the “fierce independence, neutrality, and honesty” of the Election Commission. The current law has raised concerns about the potential for government monopoly and erosion of ECI’s autonomy. - Validity of Section 7(1):
The petitioners specifically challenge Section 7(1) of the Act, which excludes the judiciary from the selection process, thereby concentrating control over appointments within the executive.
Arguments by the Petitioners
Advocate Prashant Bhushan, representing the petitioners, stressed the urgency of deciding the matter before the upcoming retirement of CEC Rajiv Kumar and the subsequent appointments. The petitioners contend that the law compromises the integrity of the ECI and violates the basic structure doctrine, particularly the principle of separation of powers.
Judicial Observations
Justice Surya Kant, heading the three-judge Bench, noted that the case presents a constitutional test of whether the judiciary’s authority to pronounce binding decisions can be circumvented through legislative action. He remarked that the conflict lies in balancing the court’s opinion and the exercise of legislative powers.
The court has scheduled the hearing for February 4, 2025, considering the significance of the issue and its implications for the democratic process.
Constitutional and Democratic Significance
The independence of the Election Commission is central to India’s democratic framework. The ongoing case holds far-reaching implications:
- Strengthening Checks and Balances: The judiciary’s involvement in the selection process ensures checks on executive overreach and upholds the integrity of the ECI.
- Basic Structure Doctrine: The case will test whether legislative actions altering institutional frameworks compromise the Constitution’s basic structure.
- Neutrality in Electoral Processes: The credibility of free and fair elections depends on an impartial and autonomous ECI, which this law is alleged to undermine.
Conclusion
The challenge to the CEC and EC Appointment Act, 2023 is a critical constitutional issue that underscores the tensions between the executive, legislature, and judiciary. The Supreme Court’s decision will shape the future of institutional independence in India and set a precedent for safeguarding democratic values. A timely resolution is essential to ensure the ECI remains a robust and impartial guardian of electoral democracy.
